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The coronavirus pandemic, in particular the strict lockdown, has affected every area of life in Ukraine. The charity is no exception. Did the charity stop during this period? Have charitable donations decreased? Who receives less help today, and who, on the contrary, benefits from increased help? Should we expect a reduction in the number of charitable initiatives when the lockdown is over?The nature and scale of the pandemic's impact on charity are best illustrated by the findings of a social survey initiated by Zagoriy Foundation within its Promoting the Culture of Charitable Giving in Ukraine program and conducted by the research company Socioinform in May this year. Representatives of 20 charitable organizations from all over Ukraine shared their thoughts on the changes taking place in charity and how their organizations feel through times of crisis.
The present report gives an overall analysis of charitable giving in Ukraine explaining the key trends and revealing bottlenecks as well as opportunities for potential growth. The research findings help understand how Ukrainians feel about charitable giving in general and charitable foundations in particular, and what practices appear to be the most successful these days. The report will reveal what drives Ukrainians in supporting others, what obstacles to participation in charitable giving are there, who requires help the most and what groups of people are mostly likely to receive support and how support is provided. The present research will enable charitable organisations to improve their working practices and gain trust and support to implement quality changes in the culture of giving in Ukraine.
Ukrainian Philanthropists Forum;
Philanthropy infrastructure is often underfunded and underrecognized for its value. How do we communicate our worth to the sector and others? In a collective effort to answer this question and share our expertise on how to better articulate our organizations' Capacity, Connections, Capability and Credibility, WINGS and DAFNE came together in partnership to launch the 4Cs: A Framework to Help Your Organization Identify and Demonstrate its Worth.
Ukrainian Philanthropists Forum;
Value. Voice. Collective Impact. Philanthropy networks, their leaders, members and funders alike, are looking to build a future in which these core elements are reflected in their work. How can networks define and realize new value propositions and amplify voice in a way that is responsive to members yet also shapes the field? What role can tech and data solutions play in enhancing value? What strategies in advocacy and thought leadership can elevate the voice and visibility of the sector? How can philanthropy support networks go beyond focusing solely on organizational impact to creating more collective impact across the sector? This guide combines thoughtful concepts, frameworks and practical approaches that all philanthropy networks can use to prepare their organisations for the next decade.This translation was possible thanks to the Ukrainian Philanthropists Forum.
Open Society Foundations;
The United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development calls on governments to ensure equal access to justice for all—recognizing that justice is essential for inclusive development.But how can we ensure that everyone—regardless of wealth or social status—can get access to the protection of the law?As part of the global effort to support the implementation of Goal 16 of the 2030 Agenda (building peaceful and inclusive societies), the Open Society Foundations are supporting efforts to institutionalize nationwide community-based justice services in 11 countries: Indonesia, Kenya, Macedonia, Moldova, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Ukraine, and the United States.This series of fact sheets provides basic information on a range of different approaches to the provision of primary legal services around the world.The approaches vary, but the aim is the same: to ensure that everyone can use the law themselves to find concrete solutions to their day-to-day justice problem
In 2010 Freedom House released its first special report on Ukraine, "Sounding the Alarm: Protecting Democracy in Ukraine". That report, as the title suggested, warned that Ukraine was heading in the wrong direction on a number of fronts: consolidation of power in the executive branch at the expense of democratic development, a more restrictive environment for the media, selective prosecution of opposition figures, worrisome instances of intrusiveness by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), widely criticized local elections in October 2010, a pliant Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's parliament), an erosion of basic freedoms of assembly and speech, and widening corruption. "Ukraine under President Yanukovych," last year's report warned, "has become less democratic and, if current trends are left unchecked, may head down a path toward autocracy and kleptocracy."A year later, most of those key concerns remain, and in some cases the problems have grown considerably worse, especially in the area of selective prosecution of opposition figures and corruption. The mayoral election in Obukhiv in March was widely criticized for its alleged rigging and fraud and bodes badly for the upcoming Verkhovna Rada elections. The term "familyization" was commonly used by interlocutors, implying that President Yanukovych's family has not only benefitted personally from his presidency (see the section below on corruption) but is increasingly at the center of power and governance. Freedom House's ranking of Ukraine in its Freedom in the World 2012 report remained in the Partly Free category with a negative trend; the same assessment can be found in Freedom House's just-released "Nations in Transit." Against this backdrop, Freedom House, with support from the Open Society Foundations' Ukrainian arm, the International Renaissance Foundation, undertook this follow-up special report on Ukraine.
A study carried out on behalf of the Bertelsmann Stiftung by the Warsaw-based Institute of Public Affairs dispels the myth of a country made up of opposing Ukrainian- and Russian-speaking regions.
International Renaissance Foundation;
This document reports projects undertaken by the International Renaissance Foundation (IRF) in 2004 aimed at guaranteeing a fair and free presidential election process in Ukraine. For these purposes, IRF funded projects in areas such as: support of monitoring NGO coalitions, monitoring of the election campaigns coverage in mass media, exit poll empowerment, voter mobilisation, etc. Annexes that provide features of these projects, as well as related information and web resources are also available.
2013 is the first year Ukraine has held the Chairmanship in Office (CIO) of the OSCE since it became a participating state in the organization in 1992. The Chairman in Office, Ukraine's Minister of Foreign Affairs Leonid Kozhara, outlined the country's priorities for its CIO in November 2012, among which were the freedom of speech, resolving the frozen conflicts, and combating human trafficking, and acknowledged that Ukraine's own record would be under the microscope during its CIO.Little progress has been made on many of those questions as acknowledged by Foreign Minister Kozhara in a recent editorial and in a bi-annual report issued by the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the Ukrainian OSCE chairmanship. According to their assessments, special attention has been paid to resolving the frozen conflicts, but few results in strengthening the freedom of speech have been realized except for the "arrangement of necessary conditions for renewal of mandate of Representative on Freedom of the Media."Ukraine's progress in meeting its obligations to respect the freedom of expression, including to facilitate the dissemination of information and working conditions for journalists, has been mostly unsatisfactory in recent years lagging behind progress made in Moldova, Georgia, and Armenia while doing better than Azerbaijan and Belarus. In spite of the generally high quality of legislation, the reality of implementation is less impressive. Citizens may freely express their views, and collect and disseminate information, but access to free and pluralistic media and to public information held by the authorities is inadequate. Journalists' working conditions are not secure enough to work safely and remedies for violations of journalists' rights or attacks on journalists are ineffective.The media, and especially television, is rife with hidden paid content, making it difficult for viewers to discern what news is real and what is not. Television stations are constantly juggling political and economic pressure. Adherence to journalistic standards is unsatisfactory as ethics boards are ineffective.2013 has thus far included some meaningful efforts to improve Ukrainian media legislation following a 2-year delay in reform; the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's Parliament) enacted a law on ownership transparency of media and passed the laws on public service broadcasting and privatization of government-owned press in the first reading. Neither law has proceeded to the second reading though, raising concerns about their ultimate fate.Access to the media for the ruling party and its allies is significantly easier, including during the electoral period, due to legislative privileges for officials and governmental bodies and their influence on government-owned media outlets. Nationwide TV channels often do not cover the opposition because of special relations between their oligarch owners and the ruling political forces. A lack of quality analytical reports on television, the Internet, and in the print press, as well as the proliferation of tabloid-style content, also limit access to good quality information and access to the media by the opposition.Much of the local media is financially dependent on the government and thus on the ruling political forces. Ownership of TV channels is not transparent and the new law on media ownership leaves loopholes, allowing opaque ownership structures to persist across the sector. The National Council on TV and Radio Broadcasting is not an independent regulatory body. Moreover, nationwide TV channels show loyalty to the government as important political events and themes, especially those relating to the political opposition, are covered inadequately or not at all.There have been improvements in the protection of journalists' sources. Since implementation of the new Code on Criminal Proceedings, there have been no reports of police pressuring journalists to disclose their sources. Despite this progress, journalists who work for Internet media are still vulnerable.There has been little recent progress in meeting the obligation to guarantee transparency in public affairs. Progress in the sector of access to public information, made in 2011, has stalled. The preliminary passage in 2012 of a draft law that would bring Ukrainian laws in line with model laws on access to information is a step in the right direction, but the second reading has been inexplicably put off several times and the date of its adoption is unclear.
Human Rights Watch;
This 93-page report describes Ukrainian government policies that make it impossible for cancer patients living in rural areas to get essential pain medications. While most cancer patients in cities have access to some medications, the treatment they receive is inadequate and provides only limited relief.
Open Society Institute;
Documents obstacles to government efforts to control the HIV/AIDS epidemic, such as lack of policy coordination, insufficient funds, failure to implement programs, and discrimination. Suggests involving civil society more and ensuring access to services.
Open Society Institute;
Evaluates efforts to provide health services, legal aid, and other support to women drug users (and their children), who face high risks of HIV infection, rights abuses, and lack of care. Makes service, capacity building, and policy recommendations.