No result found
Feeding America (formerly America's Second Harvest);
This report presents information on the clients and agencies served by The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank. The information is drawn from a national study, Hunger in America 2010, conducted in 2009 for Feeding America (FA) (formerly America's Second Harvest), the nation's largest organization of emergency food providers. The national study is based on completed inperson interviews with more than 62,000 clients served by the FA national network, as well as on completed questionnaires from more than 37,000 FA agencies. The study summarized below focuses on emergency food providers and their clients who are supplied with food by food banks in the FA network.Key Findings: The FA system served by The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank provides emergency food for an estimated 171,600 different people annually.32% of the members of households served by The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank are children under 18 years old (Table 5.3.2).52% of households include at least one employed adult (Table 5.7.1).Among households with children, 61% are food insecure and 24% are food insecure with very low food security (Table 126.96.36.199).36% of clients served by The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank report having to choose between paying for food and paying for utilities or heating fuel (Table 6.5.1).32% had to choose between paying for food and paying for medicine or medical care (Table 6.5.1).5% of households served by The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank report having at least one household member in poor health (Table 8.1.1)The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank included approximately 108 agencies at the administration of this survey, of which 64 have responded to the agency survey. Of the responding agencies, 59 had at least one food pantry, soup kitchen, or shelter.72% of pantries, 100% of kitchens, and 0% of shelters are run by faith-based agencies affiliated with churches, mosques, synagogues, and other religious organizations (Table 10.6.1).Among programs that existed in 2006, 86% of pantries, 67% of kitchens, and 50% of shelters of The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank reported that there had been an increase since 2006 in the number of clients who come to their emergency food program sites (Table 10.8.1).Food banks are by far the single most important source of food for agencies with emergency food providers, accounting for 91% of the food distributed by pantries, 59% of the food distributed by kitchens, and 15% of the food distributed by shelters (Table 13.1.1).As many as 91% of pantries, 100% of kitchens, and 100% of shelters in The Greater Baton Rouge Food Bank use volunteers (Table 13.2.1).
Despite broad interest in estimating the economic costs of gun violence at the national and individual levels, we know little about how local economies respond to increased gun violence, especially sharp and sudden increases (or surges) in gun violence. Our report found that surges in gun violence can significantly reduce the growth of new retail and service businesses and slow home value appreciation. Higher levels of neighborhood gun violence can be associated with fewer retail and service establishments and fewer new jobs. Higher levels of gun violence were also associated with lower home values, credit scores, and homeownership rates. Interviews with local stakeholders (homeowners, renters, business owners, non-profits, etc.) in six cities across the United States confirmed that the findings match their experience. Business owners in neighborhoods that experience heightened gun violence reported additional challenges and costs, and residents and business owners alike asserted that gun violence hurts housing prices and drives people to relocate from or avoid moving to affected neighborhoods. Some of the report's key findings include: Impact of Gun Violence Surges on Local Business Growth, Home Values, Homeownership Rates, and Credit Scores across Cities Gun homicide surges in census tracts reduced the growth rate of new retail and service establishments by 4 percent in Minneapolis, Oakland, San Francisco, and Washington, DC.Gun homicide surges in census tracts slowed home value appreciation by 3.9 percent in Baton Rouge, Minneapolis, Oakland, San Francisco, and Washington, DC.Gunshot surges in census tracts slowed home value appreciation by 3.6 percent in Oakland, Rochester, San Francisco, and Washington, DC.Neither gun homicide nor gunshot surges were observed to reduce homeownership rates or credit scores in these cities. Homeownership rates might not fall as quickly as home values in response to sudden surges in gun violence because selling a home and moving may take a long time or may simply not be feasible for some residents.Relationships between Gun Violence and Business Outcomes, Home Values, Homeownership Rates, and Credit Scores within Cities In Minneapolis, each additional gun homicide in a census tract in a given year was associated with 80 fewer jobs the next year.In Oakland, each additional gun homicide in a census tract in a given year was associated with 5 fewer jobs in shrinking businesses the next year.In Washington, DC, every 10 additional gunshots in a census tract in a given year were associated with 20 fewer jobs among new establishments, one less new business opening, and one more business closing the same year.In San Francisco, there was no association between levels of gun violence in census tracts in a given year and business outcomes the next year. Analysis of gun homicides in 2014 and home values, homeownership rates, and credit scores in 2015 demonstrated that each additional gun homicide in a census tract was associated with the following outcomes: A $22,000 decrease in average home values in Minneapolis census tracts and a $24,621 decrease in Oakland census tracts.A 20-point decrease in average credit scores in Minneapolis census tracts and a 9-point decrease in Oakland census tracts.A 3 percent decrease in homeownership rates in Washington, DC, census tracts and a 1 percent decrease in Baton Rouge census tracts.There were no associations between gun homicides in a given year and home values, homeownership rates, and credit scores the next year in Minneapolis, Oakland, San Francisco, or Washington, DC, census tracts from 2009 to 2014 or in Baton Rouge census tracts from 2011 to 2014.
Public Education Network (PEN);
In 1994, the Public Education Network (PEN) entered into a cooperative agreement with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Division of Adolescent and School Health (CDC/DASH) to integrate comprehensive school health programs (CSHP) into a larger, systemic school reform effort at the local and national levels. Under this agreement, PEN worked with and provided funds to six local education funds (LEFs) to implement local projects that would establish, enhance, and/or institutionalize school health programs within their districts -- and in the case of one LEF, throughout the state. This case study documents the experiences of these LEFs and their partners in the second year of the implementation of this project, which focused on activities reforming the health education curriculum reform.PEN was able to explore and delineate the issues surrounding comprehensive services through its first federal grant from the CDC. Through the Comprehensive School Health Initiative (CSHI), PEN, along with its partner LEFs, aims to link school health and school reform by approaching the issue of school and adolescent health, including HIV prevention, with public engagement as a major component. This report looks at the challenges LEFs faced as they engaged a wide array of entities in examining health education curriculum and reform efforts to make it more comprehensive, age-appropriate and developmental.
National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy;
In light of the national uprising sparked by the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor (and building on other recent tragic movement moments going back to the 2014 murder of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri), NCRP is analyzing grantmaking by community foundations across the country to find out exactly how much they are – or are not – investing in Black communities.We started by looking at the latest available grantmaking data (2016-2018) of 25 community foundations (CFs) – from Los Angeles to New Orleans to New York City to St. Paul. These foundations represent a cross section of some of the country's largest community foundations as well as foundations in communities where NCRP has Black-led nonprofit allies.